By Janice Boddy, Michael Lambek

Janice Boddy, Michael Lambek (eds.)

A significant other to the Anthropology of faith offers a suite of unique, ethnographically-informed essays that discover the range of ideals, practices, and non secular reviews within the modern global and asks how one can take into consideration faith as an issue of anthropological inquiry.

Presents a set of unique, ethnographically-informed essays exploring the big variety of ideals, practices, and spiritual reports within the modern world
Explores a large variety of subject matters together with the ‘perspectivism’ debate, the increase of non secular nationalism, reflections on faith and new media, faith and politics, and concepts of self and gender relating to spiritual belief
Includes examples drawn from diversified spiritual traditions and from a number of areas of the world

Features newly-commissioned articles reflecting the main updated examine and important considering within the box, written by means of a world workforce of top scholars
Adds immeasurably to our realizing of the complicated relationships among faith, tradition, society, and the person in today’s international

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Extra info for A Companion to the Anthropology of Religion (Blackwell Companions to Anthropology)

Sample text

Like many good ideas, this one is already found in Weber; it is at the heart of his comparative project, as he attempted to chart the moving fronts of capitalism and rationalization. The movement of intellectual paradigms or programs within academia is not dissimilar to the attractions and repulsions of religious phenomena in the world at large, equivalent to and also sometimes in direct relation or confrontation with them. One anthropological front has shifted from the encounter with distant or precapitalist societies and traditions toward studying the anthropologist’s own, whether this be Europe and North America or the postcolonies.

And these too broke down still further. Of course they can be (and are) both eroded by the forces of history and pieced together in the kind of everyday operations that Lévi-Strauss called bricolage (1966), in the efforts of virtuoso poets, craftsmen, and professional rationalizers, as well as in the simple acts of living together (Das 2007, and in this volume). A political economy of knowledge also shows that different members of society, whether distinguished by gender, class, education level, or other, have differential access to specific practices, authority, and truth with respect to given traditions.

30 One could infer that for Asad religion as immanent WHAT IS “RELIGION” FOR ANTHROPOLOGY? 21 and as object (an object that is as much politically encapsulated as socially transcendent) are more or less historically successive distinct phenomena. 31 In a sense then, Asad acknowledges religion’s continued immanence. 32 In sum, immanence and transcendence can also stand for two ways in which anthropologists have apprehended religion, irrespective of how religion is manifest in a particular social formation.

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