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C. e. equipollent). More generally, as emphasized by Haspelmath, we find a cross-linguistic continuum, with languages at either end strongly favouring either causative or anti-causative derivations, and those in the middle split along relatively (but by no means entirely) predictable semantic lines. Such variation poses challenges for any restrictive theory of the mapping between lexical semantics and verb morphology. The problem is a classical one: how do we account for the observed cross-linguistic and intra-linguistic variation while maintaining a maximally close connection between the meaning of a predicate and its morphological realization?
I conclude that the relative (in)stability of causative-inchoative pairs says nothing about the direction of derivation, and thus provides no argument either for or against a causative LSR. 3. Reflexive morphology The most obvious argument for a causative LSR in languages like Italian or Russian is the presence of reflexive morphology on inchoative alternants, indicating that they have been derived from causatives by a lexical reflexivization process. As long as we maintain the idea that LSRs are in a one-to-one correspondence with UMRs, this type of anti-causative derivation provides compelling evidence for a causative LSR.
C. kazat’sja pojavit’sja naxodit’sja ‘seem’ ‘appear’ ‘be located’ a. b. c. 8 Since they still have reflexive morphology, their existence seems to cast doubt on the equation between reflexive morphology and reflexive syntax which forms the core of the Chierchia/Reinhart/Levin & Rappaport Hovav analysis. 4. Reflexive adjuncts The fourth argument for underlying transitivity is based on the ability of alternating inchoative predicates to bind a reflexive adjunct; this is shown for Italian (and English) in (26) (examples from Chierchia 1989): Italian: (26) a.