By Mark Brilliant
From the instant that the assault at the "problem of the colour line," as W.E.B. DuBois famously characterised the matter of the 20 th century, started to assemble momentum nationally in the course of global conflict II, California tested that the matter was once one among colour strains. within the colour of the US Has replaced, Mark superb examines California's historical past to demonstrate how the civil rights period was once a very national and multiracial phenomenon-one that was once formed and complex through the presence of not just blacks and whites, but in addition Mexican american citizens, jap americans, and chinese language americans, between others. concentrating on quite a lot of felony and legislative projects pursued by means of a various staff of reformers, superb analyzes the circumstances that dismantled the state's multiracial process of legalized segregation within the Nineteen Forties and next battles over reasonable employment practices, old-age pensions for long term resident non-citizens, reasonable housing, agricultural hard work, institution desegregation, and bilingual schooling. He concludes with the conundrum created through the multiracial affirmative motion application at factor within the usa superb Court's 1978 Regents of the college of California v. Bakke selection. The Golden State's prestige as a civil rights leading edge for the kingdom owes partially to the various civil rights precedents set there and to the disparate demanding situations of civil rights reform in multiracial areas. whereas civil rights historians have lengthy set their attractions at the South and lately have grew to become their consciousness to the North, advancing a "long civil rights circulate" interpretation, Mark incredible demands a brand new realizing of civil rights historical past that extra absolutely displays the racial range of the USA.
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Extra info for The Color of America Has Changed: How Racial Diversity Shaped Civil Rights Reform in California, 1941-1978
21 The SRRC responded to the exploding number of workers across California by preparing for the inevitable unemployment of so many of them. ”22 Unemployment was the weightiest. As Governor Earl Warren told the first joint meeting of the SRRC and its accompanying Citizens Advisory Committees in March 1944, “Hundreds of thousands of war workers . . 24 As the war’s end drew closer, the SRRC grew shriller. 25 “ a n i n t e g r at e d. . p r o g r a m f o r r a c i a l j u s t i c e ” | 1 7 Job losses would be accompanied by housing shortages, both of which would be exacerbated by continued population growth.
14 Finally, like McWilliams, the CFCU believed that “an integrated . . 16 How to forge “an integrated . . program for racial justice” out of a plurality of “race problems”? The CFCU wrestled with this question—and the tension it embodied—from its inception. Unable to arrive at a satisfactory answer, the CFCU foundered from its founding. Its fate reflected in microcosm the challenge that racial diversity 16 | the color of america has changed posed for racial liberals throughout California’s civil rights era to forge a multiracial civil rights movement.
Simultaneously, he sought to draw Taketa’s attention to what he saw as the parallels between Japanese American and African American experiences. ” Moreover, James explained, “we have developed certain techniques” for combating racial discrimination. These “we offer freely to members of the Japanese-American group . . ”69 The conference report did not record Taketa’s response. Did he bristle at James’s apparent failure to recognize that Taketa’s JACL, like James’s NAACP, had also “developed certain techniques” for fighting racial discrimination?