By Pathik Pathak

Global politics are deeply tormented by concerns surrounding cultural identification. Profound cultural variety has made nationwide majorities more and more apprehensive and democratic governments are stressed to handle these anxieties. Multiculturalism - as soon as heralded because the insignia of a tolerant society& mdash;is now blamed for encouraging segregation and harbouring extremism.

Pathik Pathak makes a powerful case for a brand new revolutionary politics that confronts those matters. Drawing on interesting comparisons among Britain and India, he exhibits how the worldwide Left has been hamstrung via a compulsion for insular id politics and a obdurate attachment to cultural indifference. He argues that to strive against this, cultural identification needs to be positioned on the centre of the political system.

Written in a full of life variety, this publication will have interaction somebody with an curiosity sooner or later of our multicultural society.

Key Features

* Takes Britain and India as comparative case reports of 2 multicultural democracies * Surveys new instructions for the revolutionary Left following the dying of multiculturalism * demanding situations what the revolutionary place on cultural id may still entail

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23 He also sees a moral hollowness in cosmopolitanism, since it neglects people’s attachments to their communities and is too abstract to galvanise ‘emotional and moral’ commitment. Goodhart conversely finds in-group identification harmless. Though he states conclusively that ‘most of us prefer our own 44 The Future of Multicultural Britain kind’ (it is difficult to discern his point of view from his representation of the Burkean perspective), he qualifies this in manifold ways. The bottom line remains obvious, though: the instinct to favour our own is both natural and defensible, corroborated by evolutionary psychology: The category ‘own kind’, or in-group, will set alarm bells ringing in the minds of many readers.

The threat of ethnic diversity It is against this backdrop that champions of so-called liberal majorities, like Goodhart, have had licence to assault cultural diversity for unravelling social or community ‘cohesion’. But he can go one step further: unlike the government, he specifies ethnic difference as the form of diversity most difficult to integrate into a culture of shared values: The visibility of ethnic difference means that it often overshadows other forms of diversity. Changes in the ethnic composition of a city or neighbourhood can come to stand for the wider changes of modern life.

Other attempts have been made to rewrite Indian history textbooks, to encourage Hindu prayer in school and to plant Hindutva stooges in influential regulatory positions. 39 All in all, it has been no-holds-barred, frontal assault on secularism: the communalisation of India. So deep have been the incursions, impressions and influences of the Sangh both on India’s polity and society over the past fifteen years that despite Congress’s recapture of power at the centre, much conviction and innovation will be needed to reverse the ‘saffronisation’ of India’s individuals and institutions.

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