By Deep Kanta Lahiri Choudhury
The 1st digital communique community remodeled language, distance, and time. This booklet researches the telegraph procedure of the British Indian Empire, c.1850 to 1920, exploring the most major transnational phenomena of the imperial global, and the hyperlink among verbal exchange, Empire, and social switch.
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Telegraphic Imperialism: Crisis and Panic in the Indian Empire, c. 1830
The 1st digital communique community reworked language, distance, and time. This publication researches the telegraph method of the British Indian Empire, c. 1850 to 1920, exploring essentially the most major transnational phenomena of the imperial international, and the hyperlink among communique, Empire, and social swap.
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Extra resources for Telegraphic Imperialism: Crisis and Panic in the Indian Empire, c. 1830
Sample text
The indigenous press in both the Bengal and Bombay Presidencies remained largely loyalist in their tone. A series of pamphlets in Gujarati and Marathi, written by the loyalist indigenous editor of the Bombay Times, were circulated in the Bombay Presidency. 26 In contrast, in Calcutta the Anglo-Indian Harkaru paper was suppressed because of a series of letters from a person calling himself ‘Militaire’. In a letter called ‘Our future rule in India’, symptomatic of the gratuitous and alarmist expatriate propaganda of the period, the author wrote: Now is the time to show the sepoys we can do without them … this can only be done by bringing up Africans from the Cape of Good Hope … and before next hot weather we shall have a body of men who can stand the sun as well as the natives of India, and who, with the Sikhs and Gurkhas, will relieve our European soldier from all the common duties which involve exposure to the sun.
A series of pamphlets in Gujarati and Marathi, written by the loyalist indigenous editor of the Bombay Times, were circulated in the Bombay Presidency. 26 In contrast, in Calcutta the Anglo-Indian Harkaru paper was suppressed because of a series of letters from a person calling himself ‘Militaire’. In a letter called ‘Our future rule in India’, symptomatic of the gratuitous and alarmist expatriate propaganda of the period, the author wrote: Now is the time to show the sepoys we can do without them … this can only be done by bringing up Africans from the Cape of Good Hope … and before next hot weather we shall have a body of men who can stand the sun as well as the natives of India, and who, with the Sikhs and Gurkhas, will relieve our European soldier from all the common duties which involve exposure to the sun.
He believed that British laws and government should be kept from intervening in private domains more appropriate for reform from within. Second, he claimed that though there might be a few widows forced into prostitution or in extreme neglect, these were the exceptions. The larger Hindu joint family protected the majority of Hindu widows who played important roles within it. Finally, Maitra suggested Vidyasagar was importing foreign models of social reform and applying them to indigenous society.