By Martin Maiden, John Charles Smith, Adam Ledgeway
This Cambridge historical past is the main entire survey of the background of the Romance languages ever released in English. It engages with new and unique issues that mirror wider-ranging comparative issues, corresponding to the relation among diachrony and synchrony, morphosyntactic typology, pragmatic switch, the constitution of written Romance, and lexical balance. quantity I is geared up round the key recurrent issues of endurance (structural inheritance and continuity from Latin) and innovation (structural switch and loss in Romance). a huge and novel element of the amount is that it accords patience in Romance a spotlight in its personal correct instead of treating it easily because the historical past to the research of swap. furthermore, it explores the styles of innovation (including loss) in any respect linguistic degrees. the result's a wealthy structural historical past which marries jointly information and concept to provide new views at the structural evolution of the Romance languages.
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Extra info for The Cambridge History of the Romance Languages: Volume 1, Structures
Hebrew beyt ha-more, ‘the teacher’s home’, lit. ‘the home of the teacher’), and deriving them from principles of UG. But the set of universal properties of the construct state is only the starting point, perhaps going back to a ‘predocumentary common Romance stage’, of a development that in the case of chez involves in all ﬁve diachronic changes: (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) the two lexemes MANSIO ‘abode, dwelling’ and HOSPITALE ‘abode, asylum’ develop the meaning ‘house’ in the Gallo-Romance area; the noun chiese, the phonetically regular development of CASA, disappears; Lat.
But, despite appreciable diﬀerences both in and between texts, some Anglo-Norman texts actually do show a notable incidence of -s. The Oxford Psalter, and the Cambridge Psalter (mid twelfth century) have plenty of forms in -s, with some morphological distinctions: thus in the Cambridge Psalter subject -s occurs in 40 percent of derivatives of the Latin type -AS/-ATIS, and in nearly 80 percent of derivatives of the type -O/-ONIS. Much lower percentages are found in all other types (see Fichte 1879:81).
This traditional knowledge, inherited by speakers initially as an impenetrable linguistic tool to which they give new life, is a key to comprehending why the I-language and E-language dichotomy is ill-suited to an understanding of historical processes. This model artiﬁcially polarizes abstract and more or less universal mechanisms of linguistic knowledge and the textual objectiﬁcation of languages as external products. But the concept of linguistic tradition also has a crucial theoretical implication for the modelling of change.