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Hebrew beyt ha-more, ‘the teacher’s home’, lit. ‘the home of the teacher’), and deriving them from principles of UG. But the set of universal properties of the construct state is only the starting point, perhaps going back to a ‘predocumentary common Romance stage’, of a development that in the case of chez involves in all five diachronic changes: (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) the two lexemes MANSIO ‘abode, dwelling’ and HOSPITALE ‘abode, asylum’ develop the meaning ‘house’ in the Gallo-Romance area; the noun chiese, the phonetically regular development of CASA, disappears; Lat.

But, despite appreciable differences both in and between texts, some Anglo-Norman texts actually do show a notable incidence of -s. The Oxford Psalter, and the Cambridge Psalter (mid twelfth century) have plenty of forms in -s, with some morphological distinctions: thus in the Cambridge Psalter subject -s occurs in 40 percent of derivatives of the Latin type -AS/-ATIS, and in nearly 80 percent of derivatives of the type -O/-ONIS. Much lower percentages are found in all other types (see Fichte 1879:81).

This traditional knowledge, inherited by speakers initially as an impenetrable linguistic tool to which they give new life, is a key to comprehending why the I-language and E-language dichotomy is ill-suited to an understanding of historical processes. This model artificially polarizes abstract and more or less universal mechanisms of linguistic knowledge and the textual objectification of languages as external products. But the concept of linguistic tradition also has a crucial theoretical implication for the modelling of change.

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